Features SC dismisses cases against SLT privatization ECONOMYNEXT –The Supreme Court has declined leave to proceed and dismissed cases filed by several individuals and a trade union against the planned privatization of Sri Lanka Telecom.Samagi Sevaka Sangamaya, a trade union; Nethsiri Jayatilleke, a lecturer; Gunadasa Amaraskera, Wasantha Bandara, doctors and Nuwan Bellanthuduwa, a lawyer had petitioned court that the planned privatization infringed their fundamental rights and endangered national security.Deputy Solicitor General Rajiva Gunathilake had argued that there was no basis to say that privatization is a threat to national security as the UK and many other countries have privatized telecom operators.Gunathilaka had argued that there was no basis to argue that privatization will be detrimental to shareholder or customers and any benefits will flow to them and sought the petitions to be dismissed.Supreme Court Justices Murdu Fernando, Kumudini Wickramasinghe, and Priyantha Fernando, dismissed the petitions.Leave a Reply [Cancel reply](/sc-dismisses-cases-against-slt-privatization/#respond) by Rajan Philips In America, a former President is facing serious federal criminal charges and is banking on a presidential re-election campaign to overcome his legal troubles.
Both are unprecedented – both the arraignment of and the re-election effort by a former president, and true to form Donald Trump stands shameless in his lonely infamy.In the UK, a former Prime Minister has quit parliament to escape further scrutiny of and sanctions for his abhorrent behaviour, while wishfully keeping the door open to return as PM even much later.
Former Prime Ministers returning to power is not unprecedented in the British parliamentary system, but no predecessor of Boris Johnson has defiled the high office in the way only he could have, and no successor would likely be able to plumb the same despicable depths.There is also no return path to Downing Street for Boris Johnson Meanwhile in Italy the Bunga Bunga era in the country’s politics and culture came to an end last week with the death of its four-time former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi.It was Berlusconi who heralded the rise of perverse populism in western countries and was both a harbinger of and a prototype hybrid between the malignance of Donald Trump and the buffoonery of Boris Johnson.Trump in the US, Johnson in UK and the late Berlusconi in Italy provide a contemporary global backdrop to the unfolding of the Ranil Wickremesinghe presidency in Sri Lanka.While Trump is in trouble, Boris has bolted, and Berlusconi lies in wait for his grand requiem, Ranil Wickremesinghe is quietly morphing into King Ranil of Sri Lanka.He went for the coronation of King Charles, but King Ranil needs no crown to being far more powerful than King Charles.Caretaker President Ranil Wickremesinghe became President as a caretaker President, to take care of the economy.
I have called him a parliamentary President, and given Sri Lanka’s longest constitutional spell as a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system, it is also appropriate to call him caretaker President.We have had caretaker prime ministers before, and they are so called to highlight their provisional status between the dissolution of an old parliament and the election of a new parliament.
In the case of our caretaker President, he is taking care that no elections are held that may disturb his caretaker reign.Which elections will be held and when are entirely a matter of his presidential choosing.He has also extended the scope and tentacles of his caretaker role to go beyond the economy and reach every nook and cranny of the political terrain.What seems central to King Ranil’s reign is what is being mistakenly called a ‘legal reform’, but actually a scheme to pass a spate of not merely bad but outrightly insidious laws.The list of these insidious laws, still bills, is now common knowledge, and they include – in ABCD order – Anti-Terrorism Bill, Anti-Corruption Bill, Broadcasting Regulatory Commission Bill, the Central Bank Bill, and other (Damn) bills for one or more labour laws.Every one of them is being criticized and condemned by those who are known champions of the “rule of law,” but not the King’s version of “rule by law.” But their concerns are likely to go nowhere because King Ranil has control over a majority parliament comprising all Rajapaksa MPs who are beholden to the King.They may squirm here and there, but throw a few cabinet posts and the Rajapaksa animal kingdom will faithfully follow King Ranil.During the time of the United Front Government, the then Minister of Justice Felix Dias suddenly found forensic inspiration and directed his officials to review the possibility of doing away with the time honoured writ practice of habeas corpus.
The Anglican Minister of Justice was apparently getting tired of the nation’s colonial vestiges.The alarmed officials ran to the Prime Minister, Mrs.Bandaranaike, who threw up her hands and said something to the effect, “What can I do? Go and see Colvin.” They went to Colvin, who threw up his arms and growled, “Leave it with me.” And that was the end of it.No one talked about habeas corpus again, except in courts.Now, there is no Mrs.B to show the wisdom of leaving it to the experts, and there is no Colvin R.
de Silva to bear down on impulsive and/or idiotic ministers.The King calls all the shots and by insider revelations (not that any is needed), there are plenty of idiots in the SLPP and the Cabinet to follow him like sheep.The King’s Minister of Justice is not as clever as Felix, but he seems all ready to enjoy the perks of office, but is not at all ready to take responsibility for all the drafting drivels that are circulated as bills.He laughs them off as mere “drafts,” or worse, “proposals.” The Supreme Court is routinely called upon to edit and correct the poorly drafted but insidiously intended bills.Well-meaning lawyers and commentators are crying foul from the sidelines, but nothing different happens.
King Ranil pretends to stay above the fray, but sees to it that whatever he wills is done.Global Comparisons What is there in common between King Ranil, on the one hand, and the perverse populists like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson and the late Silvio Berlusconi? To the trio, you may want to add the likes of India’s Narendra Modi, Brazil’s ex Jair Bolsonaro, Turkey’s Erdogan and Russia’s Vladimir Putin, as members of a global club of populist autocrats.Modi is better and worse than the rest of them in his own and different ways.But that is for another day.For now, what is there in common between Ranil Wickremesinghe and the global figures I am referencing? The answer is nothing.
It is the differences that are interesting.At a personal and ethical level, Ranil Wickremesinghe has nothing in common with them.Every one of them, with the doubtful exception Modi, is unethical.They are all scoundrels in more ways than one.
It is the same with political corruption, and again Modi is only a doubtful exception.
Modi’s and the BJP’s connections to upstart billionaire Gautam Shantilal Adani are universally known and so are allegations of cronyism.The Advani group has been accused of stock market manipulation, and the accusations have not only shrunk the Advani family fortunes, but they have also besmirched Modi’s reputation.As for Mr.Wickremesinghe, while he is personally honest and may not be a direct beneficiary of political corruption, he is not at all insulated from political corruption.
On the contrary, he not merely allows but might even encourage political corruption by those around him.For this, he has had to pay a heavy political price at every turn, but does not seem to have learnt anything from the experience.The 2002 peace process was a direct victim of political corruption, and the mother of all corrupt deals came with the January 2015 Central Bank Bond Scam that proved to be the grave digger that buried the whole yahapalanaya project.But there has been no show of remorse or recalibration of political action.As I argued some time ago, there is no point in achieving national reconciliation (arbitrarily arresting Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, the grandson of GG Ponnambalam, is a sure way of botching it) or economic prosperity, while allowing the stables of corruption to continue and without doing anything to apprehend the perpetrators of too many “emblematic” murders.To get back to the comparator group, Trump, Johnson, Berlusconi and Bolsonaro have no serious political genealogy or commitment to any serious agenda.Their involvement in politics is mainly to satisfy their gigantic egos and serve whatever interests they have that might benefit from state resources.
Erdogan and Modi are different.Both have entrenched political agendas predicated on religious fundamentalism and driven by market philosophies.Erdogan’s goal is to transform Kemal Ataturk’s secular Turkey into a religious state, while Modi’s mission is to upend the Nehruvian secularism and make India a Hindutva state where Muslims will not have a significant place.Putin is an outlier and a queer mixture of Tsarist nostalgia and Bolshevik apparatus, although his primary linkage to Bolshevism is mostly biological in that his grandfather was Lenin’s cook.
While his foray into Ukraine has terribly backfired, he has been consequentially successful in isolating the West from much of the Global South.King Ranil’s Political Makeup Intellectually and politically, Mr.Wickremesinghe has no feel for the Global South.Practically, he wants to curry favour with every country, north or south, and every leader who matter and who might be at odds with one another.
That is unavoidable given Sri Lanka’s debt load and economic precarity.The President certainly does not subscribe to the traditional UNP philosophy (under DS at first, and under JR 30 years later) of “Anglo mania and India phobia,” as NM Perera called it at the outset; but what is key to the President becoming King is his domestic philosophy.
His political philosophy, if we might call it so, is mostly family moss gathered over a lifetime.It is not a set of political ideas that are the result of self-reflection and peer-contestation in a political party or organization, and ultimately vetted and validated in praxis.The fact that the UNP has mostly been a one-man band ever since Ranil Wickremesinghe became its leader is one of the main reasons for his current makeup.He is both the cause and the consequence of the corrosion of the UNP.The UNP and UNP cabinets were not always like this, certainly not under DS Senanayake or under Dudley Senanayake.Even JRJ’s cabinet was a formidable one, but cabinet government (as Jennings explained it) was undone by the presidential system and the rivalries it invariably created among presidentially aspiring ministers.
That set the tone for every presidential cabinet that came thereafter.Although it was set up to ensure political stability and facilitate efficiency, the presidential system has produced only chronic instability and dysfunctional chaos.For all this, Mr.Wickremesinghe has never been a popular politician and has always been a serial loser in elections.In terms of political popularity and electoral success he is nowhere near the rest of the global comparators that I am referencing in this article.
Trump won once and lost the second time, but he has solidly behind him an agitated mob of 30 to 50 million Americans.No other American leader in history has had such a loyal and rabid support among the people.Johnson won massively in 2019, and was forced to quit, but he has pockets of support throughout England.Berlusconi has divided Italy in death just as he had in life.In a somewhat tongue-in-cheek funeral eulogy at the Duomo, Milan’s Archbishop Mario Delpini spoke of Berlusconi as a notoriety seeking personality who had admirers and detractors, “those who applaud him and those who detest him.” They were both there, supporting and shouting at Berlusconi’s funeral.Erdogan and Modi have had consistently impressive electoral success.Bolsonaro surprised everyone with a strong showing in a close defeat to Lula da Silva in Brazil’s October 2022 presidential election.
Putin needs no election, but Wickremesinghe cannot avoid them indefinitely.Even so, and there is no other way to make this point, none of the other comparators have been able to muster the power and the facility to pass laws, impose regulations, and deploy security forces to thwart protesters, the way Ranil Wickremesinghe is enabling himself to do in Sri Lanka.It is this power and facility that he is unobtrusively exercising that is making me call him King Ranil.Add to them his periodical pronouncements that selectively ridicule opponents and assert the use of state power only in the way that he deems right.Donald Trump could not have passed legislation the way King Ranil is passing them.Boris Johnson won a historic majority in the 2019 election, but now he is gone.
Ranil Wickremesinghe lost everything in the 2020 election, but now he is able to do anything and everything that no Sri Lankan President before him has been able to do.None of the comparator leaders could have delayed or deflected elections the way only King Ranil seems able to do.
Putin has power at home but he has powerful forces against him abroad.King Ranil has power at home and influential support abroad, almost of all of which he benefits from because of the economic plight of the Sri Lankan People.Narendra Modi is a powerful Prime Minister but he is constantly circumscribed by State governments that have clout and they are led by non-BJP regional parties.In Sri Lanka, the President, now King Ranil, can play with provincial elections to boost his political position, and he can run the provinces through Governors whom he handpicks.
Only Tayyip Erdogan has been actually able to expand his power base at the state level and within government.He was first elected as Prime Minister and then turned himself into President, similar to, but much later than, what JRJ did in Sri Lanka.Erdogan is not leaving any time soon, but JRJ retired after one and a half terms, half unelected and one elected but only after politically handcuffing Mrs.Bandaranaike.To his credit JRJ retired from office, power and politics, the only Sri Lankan leader to voluntarily forsake power and leave office.By a quirk of circumstances, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become President and seems to be bent on continuing from where JRJ has left.
Everyone who came and went in between are not part of the real history of Sri Lanka, a subject about which no Sri Lankan can know more than what the King knows.That is the word according to the King.
In fairness to President Wickremesinghe, my caricaturing him as King should not be taken to mean that he really he means to be a King.Rather, his actions and the ease with which he seems to be getting everything he wants done, objectively make those actions seem to be those of a King.In politics, it is not the subjective intentions of political leaders that matter, but the objective results that flow from their actions.It might be quite the case that President Wickremesinghe thinks that his actions and the laws and regulations that he wants passed will be justified by the economic turnaround that he is anticipating and his forecast of economic prosperity by 2048.
The dreadful prospect, however, is that the economic recovery may not be as swift and as far reaching as the President is expecting, and that the consequences of his political actions may result in bad governments becoming routine and entrenched.Ranil Wickremesinghe could easily avoid all of this by focusing on the economy and not rushing ahead with quite unnecessary legal and political changes that are causing worries not only among his critics but also among those who want him to succeed on the economic front.By Namali Ratnayake, Thuwaraka Ganeshan and Ramani Muttettuwegama The Crypto-wave While we will all remember 2021 for the seemingly endless waves of the pandemic, the crypto market will also similarly be remembered.The shifts in cryptocurrency prices have not affected the proliferation of variations of cryptocurrencies.
A classic example of this was seen by the sudden skyrocketing of Dogecoin – a crypto currency initially created as a lighthearted joke for crypto enthusiasts – a mere two hours after Elon Musk included the Doge avatar into the new Twitter logo.The blockchain space in Sri Lanka has similarly witnessed considerable turbulence, since the recent crypto scam which swindled more than 15 billion Sri Lankan rupees ($46.6m) from more than 8,000 Sri Lankan citizens.Yet despite the major challenges faced over the years, the crypto market continues to grow, with the price of Bitcoin rising above $30,000 in April, igniting a cycle of news claiming that the crypto winter is finally over! What are cryptocurrencies? Cryptocurrency is a digital currency that does not rely on the banking system to verify transactions.Instead, transactions are verified through a peer-to-peer network via a digital ledger known as blockchain.
This technological development has paved the way for transactions to take place outside the centralized banking channel, causing dilemma to regulators globally.How are cryptocurrencies created? Cryptocurrencies are created through a process called ‘mining’.However, mining cryptocurrencies does not require sweat and blood, but rather the ability to solve a complex mathematical algorithm known as proof-of-work, and of course a great level of energy consumption.How do I buy cryptocurrencies? Cryptocurrencies can be obtained through the process of mining.
Further, this can also be bought and exchanged via investment platforms and crypto exchanges.There is a widespread public interest on cryptocurrencies globally, with a variety of cryptocurrencies proliferating the global market.Whilst regulators around the world took a wait and see approach to cryptocurrencies two years ago, there is now a shift in the global regulatory stance towards crypto.Many countries have introduced and are introducing laws to regulate cryptocurrencies, while some others have taken steps to ban cryptocurrencies completely.Can transactions be made in cryptocurrencies in Sri Lanka? Sri Lankans too have been caught up with the crypto craze! The announcement by a well-known Sri Lankan retailer in October 2021, of its decision to accept payments in Bitcoins evinces the potential acceptance of crypto currencies in the retail market which may very soon become widespread.The question that then comes to light is “whether this is legal in Sri Lanka?” Presently there are no laws and regulations regulating cryptocurrencies.
However, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) has not turned a blind eye towards cryptocurrencies.In discharging its function of maintaining financial stability in the country, the Central Bank has warned the public of the potential issues that cryptocurrencies raise.A brief notice issued in 2018 highlighting money laundering and terrorism financing risks was followed by a more detailed notice in 2021.In 2021 the CBSL expressed concerns on the risks posed by virtual currency and emphasized the following: ● No regulatory or specific legal recourse for transaction/user disputes ● Risk of losses due to volatility ● Money laundering and terrorism financing risk ● Violation of Foreign Exchange laws and regulations Further, in March 2023, the CBSL, warned the public of the growing number of financial scams operating with the promise of high returns based on crypto investments.Recourse for such financial scams under the consumer protection laws in Sri Lanka require transactions to be made for ‘money consideration’ under the Sale of Goods Ordinance 11 of 1896 of Sri Lanka.The quandary however is whether cryptocurrencies can be classified as money and the approach to this has not been consistent globally.While countries like China have taken a drastic approach of completely banning cryptocurrencies, others like El Salvador and the US appear to support the view that cryptocurrency may equate to money.There have also been instances where different regulators within the same jurisdiction have taken a differing stance on this question – the crypto dilemma! Whether cryptocurrencies are classified as ‘money’ is legally untested in Sri Lanka.
The Monetary Act identifies “Sri Lankan Currencies” as Legal Tender.What this means is that in the absence of an agreement to the contrary the mode of payment between the parties will be the Sri Lankan currency.
However, this does not prevent parties using currencies without “Legal Tender” status in private transactions.As such persons may use any mode of exchange in a private transaction.Therefore, retailers and consumers can transact with cryptocurrencies, as was recently witnessed when a payment gateway for bitcoin was used to accept crypto payments for the first-ever International Music Festival in Sri Lanka earlier this year.
The only downside is the crypto industry remains unregulated in Sri Lanka, therefore parties enter into such transactions at their own risk, as they may not be able to exercise their rights as a consumer.However, parties may still be able to bring an action in the court of law for breach of contract for any breach of contractual terms by either party.Ultimately, whether the law should recognize cryptocurrency as satisfying the Sale of Goods Ordinance, requires the following questions to be considered: Should ‘money’ include more than fiat currency in the 21st century? If a key objective of the Sale of Goods Ordinance is to regulate commercial trade, can we achieve this by allowing the use of an unregulated commodity to pay the price of goods? Way forward? Whilst technological innovation in providing financial inclusion is much applauded, this cannot be at the risk of the stability and security of the financial system.
Laws, although a necessity must also be formulated in a manner that understands and takes into consideration the technology underpinning cryptocurrencies.In this regard, Sri Lanka’s announcement of an establishment of a special committee, with private and public sector participation, to formulate policy on crypto-related activities in 2021 was much welcomed.This will increase investor confidence and pave the way for a stable financial market, whilst ensuring that Sri Lanka is on par with its Asian neighbor Singapore, in promoting itself as a technology hub! (The writers belong to the legal firm, Tiruchelvam Associates) Keeping tabs on estate unions led to stumbling on JVP activity Excerpted from the Memoirs of Retired Senior DIG Kinglsey Wickremasuriya C.R.Arndt was the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Southern Range.
He did his Annual Inspection of the Galle Division.I had to accompany him during these inspections.We took our tea and lunch with us.Sometimes the DIG would ask me to prepare a few sandwiches for him as well.It was a pleasure to watch the DIG do his inspections.He was an inspiration.
He adopted an entirely new approach to inspections against the traditional approach by many of the senior officers of the previous generation.It was a management approach against the ‘books & records” approach of the older generation.
He would test check and cross-check some of the selected records and books and come to his conclusion about the state of affairs at the police station in a matter of few hours and pronounce his findings as to whether the station is well managed or otherwise as against the method adopted by a majority of the inspecting officers to ensure that `books & records’ at the station are in order.I too followed his path thereafter, experimented with the new approach, and later produced a Handbook on Inspections for my guidance and the guidance of other inspecting officers.Once when I visited Police HQ, I called on the DIG in his office.During the conversation, he remarked that one of these days he will have to hold up my increment.I was aghast and asked him what was wrong after having worked so hard.He responded that leaving all the hard work aside, I was delaying the Special Crime Reports (SCRs) due to him and insisted that he should get these reports within 72 hrs.of the incident.He would not accept excuses.
On my return, I bought a typewriter and started to learn to type myself so that I could send the SCR reports to reach him within the stipulated 72 hours and so on.Since that date, I learned that the reports due to the DIG must come before all else and to organize my time accordingly.The result was I was able to organize the work so much that I had free time to spare.During this spare time, I used to sit in the Magistrate’s Court and watch what the OICs were doing.That had a great impact on the court work of the District.Occasionally we would party as well to take the rigors out of the work and keep up the esprit-d-corps.Intelligence Services Division (ISD) I bid adieu to Galle Division on being transferred to the Intelligence Division on October 1, 1969.This transfer originally was something on the cards when I was to be transferred from Badulla District in 1967.
But it came two years later at the instance of Superintendent Ana Seneviratne who was the head of the ISD at the time.It was during this period that there emerged a threat from the estate sector as the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) was mobilizing forces trying to assert itself in a manner that was threatening the security of the plantations.The task of the ISD was to gather intelligence about persons and organizations posing threats to the national security of the country either by subversion or sabotage.This means keeping an eye on the entire government machinery so that the ISD is aware of all or any quarter from where the threat is coming.
Of course, to do this ISD gets a mandate from the Head of State and it works according to the given charter.All methods used by the ISD, however, are subject to legal review.There was some sort of training of the labor force going on in the estates, with funds from an NGO being spent in promoting this activity.I was assigned to monitor it and report.
We established three units for this purpose, one at Pelmadulla, another at Nuwara Eliya, and the third at Bandarawela.I was operating from Bandarawela.I was first tasked with the basics of establishing these units and attending to the preliminaries of setting up the network.It was in the course of this work that we accidentally came up with an organization (later to be known as Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) that was holding secret meetings.
We at Bandarawela were one of the first to report the plans of the JVP to attack the Wellawaya Police Station.By then, Superintendent Lionel Senanayake had taken over from Mr.Ana Seneviratne with the change of Government from UNP.He was not trained in intelligence work and was making errors when the Government appointed Mr.
S.A.Dissanayake (former IG Police) as an Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Defense.
On a decision made by the Security Council, ISD sent out units to several outstations after violence broke out in support of the operations on the ground.I was sent with a team to Kurunegala to coordinate with OPS HQ at Kurunegala.I found temporary lodgings with a very helpful and kind family.Lionel Senanayake was soon replaced by Superintendent L.D.C.Herath an officer trained in intelligence work with Israeli Intelligence.As I came into the Intelligence Division, I was sent for training to London to be trained by British Intelligence.
The first course I attended was the Desk Officers’ Course.On my return, I learned that I had been well reported on by the British Intelligence Authorities.After training, I was asked to cover certain subjects for which I had several Desk Officers covering them.With time I went for further training and attended advanced courses.
Once I was in charge of training, and the Registry too came under me.This is one area I made my mark by establishing a training wing and bringing reforms into the Registry.The ISD was making great strides under the leadership of Superintendent Cyril Herath.There was good coverage of political parties, trade unions, and suspected subversive elements including foreign intelligence services working in the country.
So much so that we were able to get one diplomat declared persona non grata without the incident being publicized.At times Mr.Herath would ask us to write a research paper on a given subject.
I was asked to write a paper on the subject of “The Danger Posed by the TUF Against the Unity of Sri Lanka”.I produced a 29-page classified document dated January 13, 1976, where to quote from the paper, I predicted as follows: “Even though the campaign of violence unleashed by the militant Tamil Youth immediately after the declaration of the Republican Constitution did not show a degree of sophistication in the methods adopted, this is no reason to be complacent that the methods will continue to be crude.“Now that the Eelam Liberation Front is seeking active cooperation with other liberation movements, we would soon have a dangerous situation where we will have a fully trained guerrilla organization on our hands to deal with if no meaningful steps are taken to handle their problems realistically.The problem is bound to assume alarming proportions with increasing unemployment among the ranks of the Tamil youth and the widening communication gap between Sinhalese and the Tamils and the receding chances of redress abroad owing to language difficulties, all adding to the growing issues” The prediction came true when several years afterward the LTTE initiated the 30-year long civil war.Had the authorities heeded the warning, this costly war could have been avoided.One of the major undertakings entrusted to the ISD during this period was the security operations of the Fifth Non-Aligned Summit Conference held in Sri Lanka in August 1976.1 was assigned the task of managing all security passes by the Director.
Inspector-General Stanley Senanayake in his letter of July 20, 1977 commended me for the ‘excellent work done in connection with the Non-Aligned Summit held in Sri Lanka in August 1976 and for making a ‘significant contribution to the success of the Conference…’ The longest spell of seven years out of my career was spent serving the Intelligence Services Division.I was promoted to the rank of Superintendent of Police on April 2, 1972 and Senior Superintendent of Police on April 1, 1978 – time-based promotions – while attached to the ISD and was the most senior officer next to the Director / Intelligence.
On occasions when Director Cyril Herath was not available, I had the privilege of attending to his duties including representing him at the Security Council.The Security Council had weekly meetings and was chaired by the Secretary to the Ministry of Defense W.T.Jayasinghe.In addition, I also had the responsibility of sending Serial Reports to the Prime Minister, Secretary of Defense, and the IGP on important security developments.I could carry out these responsibilities with confidence and held the fort for the Director earning the respect of those concerned, in his absence.With the change of Government after the General Election, the Director too changed.By that time, I had asked for a transfer out of the ISD in response to a statement made by Inspector-General Ana Seneviratne at a forum, that only those in the field will be considered for promotion.
The new Director, Edward Gunawardena, however, prevailed upon me to stay on the understanding that on his leaving the ISD I could take over from him.But I stood by my decision.So, I received transfer orders to go in charge of the Ratnapura Division with effect from December 15, 1977.
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